Rome and Armenia[edit]

The Yuezhi Kushan Empire in northern India largely guaranteed the security of Parthia's eastern border.^[67] Thus, from the mid-1st century BC onwards, the Arsacid court focused on securing the western border, primarily against Rome.^[67] A year following Mithridates II's subjugation of Armenia, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, the Roman proconsul of Cilicia, convened with the Parthian diplomat Orobazus at the Euphrates river. The two agreed that the river would serve as the border between Parthia and Rome, although several historians have argued that Sulla only had authority to communicate these terms back to Rome.^[68]

Despite this agreement, in 93 or 92 BC Parthia fought a war in Syria against the tribal leader Laodice and her Seleucid ally Antiochus X Eusebes (r. 95–92? BC), killing the latter.^[69] When one of the last Seleucid monarchs, Demetrius III Eucaerus, attempted to besiege Beroea (modern Aleppo), Parthia sent military aid to the inhabitants and Demetrius was defeated.^[69]

 

Drachma of Orodes I of Parthia(r. c. 90–80 BC)

Following the rule of Mithridates II, Gotarzes I ruled Babylonia, while Orodes I (r. c. 90–80 BC) ruled Parthia separately.^[70] This system of split monarchy weakened Parthia, allowing Tigranes II of Armenia to annex Parthian territory in western Mesopotamia. This land would not be restored to Parthia until the reign of Sanatruces of Parthia (r. c. 78–71 BC).^[71]

Following the outbreak of the Third Mithridatic War, Mithridates VI of Pontus (r. 119–63 BC), an ally of Tigranes II of Armenia, requested aid from Parthia against Rome, but Sanatruces refused help.^[72] When the Roman commander Lucullus marched against the Armenian capital Tigranocerta in 69 BC, Mithridates VI and Tigranes II requested the aid of Phraates III of Parthia(r. c. 71–58). Phraates did not send aid to either, and after the fall of Tigranocerta he reaffirmed with Lucullus the Euphrates as the boundary between Parthia and Rome.^[73]

Tigranes the Younger, son of Tigranes II of Armenia, failed to usurp the Armenian throne from his father. He fled to Phraates III and convinced him to march against Armenia's new capital at Artaxarta. When this siege failed, Tigranes the Younger once again fled, this time to the Roman commander Pompey. He promised Pompey that he would act as a guide through Armenia, but, when Tigranes II submitted to Rome as a client king, Tigranes the Younger was brought to Rome as a hostage.^[74]Phraates demanded Pompey return Tigranes the Younger to him, but Pompey refused. In retaliation, Phraates launched an invasion into Corduene (southeastern Turkey) where, according to two conflicting Roman accounts, the Roman consul Lucius Afranius forced the Parthians out by either military or diplomatic means.^[75]

 

A Roman marble head of the triumvir Marcus Licinius Crassus, who was defeated at Carrhae by Surena

Phraates III was assassinated by his sons Orodes II of Parthia and Mithridates IV of Parthia, after which Orodes turned on Mithridates, forcing him to flee from Media to Roman Syria.^[76] Aulus Gabinius, the Roman proconsul of Syria, marched in support of Mithridates to the Euphrates, but had to turn back to aid Ptolemy XII Auletes (r. 80–58; 55–51 BC) against a rebellion in Egypt.^[77]

Despite losing his Roman support, Mithridates managed to conquer Babylonia, and minted coins at Seleucia until 54 BC. In that year, Orodes' general, known only as Surena after his noble family's clan name, recaptured Seleucia, and Mithridates was executed.^[78]

Marcus Licinius Crassus, one of the triumvirs who was now proconsul of Syria, launched an invasion into Parthia in 53 BC in belated support of Mithridates.^[79] As his army marched to Carrhae (modern Harran, southeastern Turkey), Orodes II invaded Armenia, cutting off support from Rome's ally Artavasdes II of Armenia (r. 53–34 BC). Orodes persuaded Artavasdes to a marriage alliance between the crown prince Pacorus I of Parthia (d. 38 BC) and Artavasdes' sister.^[80]

Surena, with an army entirely on horseback, rode to meet Crassus.^[81] Surena's 1,000 cataphracts, armed with lances, and 9,000 horse archers were outnumbered roughly four to one by Crassus' army, comprising seven Roman legions and auxiliaries including mounted Gauls and light infantry.^[82]

Relying on a baggage train of about 1,000 camels, the Parthian horse archers were given constant supplies of arrows.^[82] The horse archers employed the "Parthian shot" tactic, where they would fake a retreat, only to turn and fire upon their opponents. This tactic, combined with the use of heavy composite bows on flat plain devastated Crassus' infantry.^[83]

With some 20,000 Romans dead, approximately 10,000 captured, and roughly another 10,000 escaping west, Crassus fled into the Armenian countryside.^[84] At the head of his army, Surena approached Crassus, offering a parley, which Crassus accepted. However, he was killed when one of his junior officers, suspecting a trap, attempted to stop him from riding into Surena's camp.^[85]

Crassus' defeat at Carrhae was one of the worst military defeats of Roman history.^[86] Parthia's victory cemented its reputation as a formidable if not equal power with Rome.^[87] With his camp followers, war captives, and precious Roman booty, Surena traveled some 700 km (430 mi) back to Seleucia where his victory was celebrated. However, fearing his ambitions even for the Arsacid throne, Orodes had Surena executed shortly thereafter.^[86]

 

Roman aurei bearing the portraits of Mark Antony (left) and Octavian(right), issued in 41 BC to celebrate the establishment of the Second Triumvirate by Octavian, Antony and Marcus Lepidus in 43 BC

Emboldened by the victory over Crassus, the Parthians attempted to capture Roman-held territories in Western Asia.^[88] Crown prince Pacorus I and his commander Osaces raided Syria as far as Antioch in 51 BC, but were repulsed by Gaius Cassius Longinus, who ambushed and killed Osaces.^[89] The Arsacids sided with Pompey in his civil war against Julius Caesar and even sent troops to support the anti-Caesarian forces at the Battle of Philippi in 42 BC.^[90]

Quintus Labienus, a general loyal to Cassius and Brutus, sided with Parthia against the Second Triumvirate in 40 BC; the following year he invaded Syria alongside Pacorus I.^[91] The triumvir Mark Antony was unable to lead the Roman defense against Parthia due to his departure to Italy, where he amassed his forces to confront his rival Octavian and eventually conducted negotiations with him at Brundisium.^[92]

After Syria was occupied by Pacorus' army, Labienus split from the main Parthian force to invade Anatolia while Pacorus and his commander Barzapharnes invaded the Roman Levant.^[91] They subdued all settlements along the Mediterranean coast as far south as Ptolemais (modern Acre, Israel), with the lone exception of Tyre.^[93]

In Judea, the pro-Roman Jewish forces of high priest Hyrcanus II, Phasael, and Herod were defeated by the Parthians and their Jewish ally Antigonus II Mattathias(r. 40–37 BC); the latter was made king of Judea while Herod fled to his fort at Masada.^[91]

Despite these successes, the Parthians were soon driven out of the Levant by a Roman counteroffensive. Publius Ventidius Bassus, an officer under Mark Antony, defeated and then executed Labienus at the Battle of the Cilician Gates (in modern Mersin Province, Turkey) in 39 BC.^[94] Shortly afterward, a Parthian force in Syria led by general Pharnapates was defeated by Ventidius at the Battle of Amanus Pass.^[94]

As a result, Pacorus I temporarily withdrew from Syria. When he returned in the spring of 38 BC, he faced Ventidius at the Battle of Mount Gindarus, northeast of Antioch. Pacorus was killed during the battle, and his forces retreated across the Euphrates. His death spurred a succession crisis in which Orodes II chose Phraates IV of Parthia (r. c. 38–2 BC) as his new heir.^[95]

 

Drachma of Phraates IV of Parthia(r. c. 38–2 BC). Reverse side: Tyche/Khvarenah bestowing the attributes of power (palm, cornucopia) on the king; inscription ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΑΡΣΑΚΟΥ ΕΥΕΡΓΕΤΟΥ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΟΥΣ ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝΟΣ "of the King of Kings Arsaces the Renowned/Manifest Benefactor Philhellene"

Upon assuming the throne, Phraates IV eliminated rival claimants by killing and exiling his own brothers.^[96] One of them, Monaeses, fled to Antony and convinced him to invade Parthia.^[97] Antony defeated Parthia's Judaean ally Antigonus in 37 BC, installing Herod as a client king in his place.

The following year, when Antony marched to Erzurum, Artavasdes II of Armenia once again switched alliances by sending Antony additional troops. Antony invaded Media Atropatene (modern Iranian Azerbaijan), then ruled by Parthia's ally Artavasdes I of Media Atropatene, with the intention of seizing the capital Praaspa, the location of which is now unknown. However, Phraates IV ambushed Antony's rear detachment, destroying a giant battering ram meant for the siege of Praaspa; after this, Artavasdes abandoned Antony's forces.^[98]

The Parthians pursued and harassed Antony's army as it fled to Armenia. Eventually, the greatly weakened force reached Syria.^[99] After this, Antony lured Artavasdes II into a trap with the promise of a marriage alliance. He was taken captive in 34 BC, paraded in Antony's mock Roman triumph in Alexandria, Egypt,^[100] and eventually executed by Cleopatra VII of the Ptolemaic Kingdom.^[101][102]

Antony attempted to strike an alliance with Artavasdes I of Media Atropatene, whose relations with Phraates IV had recently soured. This was abandoned when Antony and his forces withdrew from Armenia in 33 BC; they escaped a Parthian invasion while Antony's rival Octavian attacked his forces to the west.^[102] Following Antony's suicide in Egypt followed by that of his wife Cleopatra in 30 BC,^[103] the Parthian ally Artaxias II reassumed the throne of Armenia.

Peace with Rome, court intrigue and contact with Chinese generals[edit]

Following the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra of Ptolemaic Egypt at the Battle of Actium in 31 BC, Octavian consolidated his political power and in 27 BC was named Augustus by the Roman Senate, becoming the first Roman emperor.^[104] Around this time, Tiridates II of Parthia briefly overthrew Phraates IV, who was able to quickly reestablish his rule with the aid of Scythian nomads.^[105] Tiridates fled to the Romans, taking one of Phraates' sons with him. In negotiations conducted in 20 BC, Phraates arranged for the release of his kidnapped son. In return, the Romans received the lost legionary standards taken at Carrhae in 53 BC, as well as any surviving prisoners of war.^[106] The Parthians viewed this exchange as a small price to pay to regain the prince.^[107] Augustus hailed the return of the standards as a political victory over Parthia; this propaganda was celebrated in the minting of new coins, the building of a new temple to house the standards, and even in fine art such as the breastplate scene on his statue Augustus of Prima Porta.^[108]

 

A close-up view of the breastplateon the statue of Augustus of Prima Porta, showing a Parthian man returning to Augustus the legionary standards lost by Marcus Licinius Crassus at Carrhae

Along with the prince, Augustus also gave Phraates IV an Italian slave-girl, who later became Queen Musa of Parthia. To ensure that her child Phraataces would inherit the throne without incident, Musa convinced Phraates IV to give his other sons to Augustus as hostages. Again, Augustus used this as propaganda depicting the submission of Parthia to Rome, listing it as a great accomplishment in his Res Gestae Divi Augusti.^[109] When Phraataces took the throne as Phraates V (r. c. 2 BC – 4 AD), Musa married her own son and ruled alongside him. The Parthian nobility, disapproving of both the incestuous relationship and the notion of a king with non-Arsacid blood, forced the pair into exile in Roman territory.^[110] Phraates' successor Orodes III of Parthia lasted just two years on the throne, and was followed by Vonones I, who had adopted many Roman mannerisms during time in Rome. The Parthian nobility, angered by Vonones' sympathies for the Romans, backed a rival claimant, Artabanus II of Parthia (r. c. 10–38 AD), who eventually defeated Vonones and drove him into exile in Roman Syria.^[111]

During the reign of Artabanus II, two Jewish commoners and brothers, Anilai and Asinai from Nehardea (near modern Fallujah, Iraq),^[112] led a revolt against the Parthian governor of Babylonia. After defeating the latter, the two were granted the right to govern the region by Artabanus II, who feared further rebellion elsewhere.^[113] Anilai's Parthian wife poisoned Asinai out of fear he would attack Anilai over his marriage to a gentile. Following this, Anilai became embroiled in an armed conflict with a son-in-law of Artabanus, who eventually defeated him.^[114] With the Jewish regime removed, the native Babylonians began to harass the local Jewish community, forcing them to emigrate to Seleucia. When that city rebelled against Parthian rule in 35–36 AD, the Jews were expelled again, this time by the local Greeks and Aramaeans. The exiled Jews fled to Ctesiphon, Nehardea, and Nisibis.^[115]

 

A denarius struck in 19 BC during the reign of Augustus, with the goddess Feronia depicted on the obverse, and on the reverse a Parthian man kneeling in submission while offering the Roman military standardstaken at the Battle of Carrhae^[116]

Although at peace with Parthia, Rome still interfered in its affairs. The Roman emperor Tiberius (r. 14–37 AD) became involved in a plot by Pharasmanes I of Iberia to place his brother Mithridates on the throne of Armenia by assassinating the Parthian ally King Arsaces of Armenia.^[117] Artabanus II tried and failed to restore Parthian control of Armenia, prompting an aristocratic revolt that forced him to flee to Scythia. The Romans released a hostage prince, Tiridates III of Parthia, to rule the region as an ally of Rome. Shortly before his death, Artabanus managed to force Tiridates from the throne using troops from Hyrcania.^[118]After Artabanus' death in 38 AD, a long civil war ensued between the rightful successor Vardanes I and his brother Gotarzes II of Parthia.^[119] After Vardanes was assassinated during a hunting expedition, the Parthian nobility appealed to Roman emperor Claudius (r. 41–54 AD) in 49 AD to release the hostage prince Meherdates to challenge Gotarzes. This backfired when Meherdates was betrayed by the governor of Edessa and Izates bar Monobaz of Adiabene; he was captured and sent to Gotarzes, where he was allowed to live after having his ears mutilated, an act that disqualified him from inheriting the throne.^[120]

In 97 AD, the Chinese general Ban Chao, the Protector-General of the Western Regions, sent his emissary Gan Ying on a diplomatic mission to reach the Roman Empire. Gan visited the court of Pacorus II at Hecatompylos before departing towards Rome.^[121] He traveled as far west as the Persian Gulf, where Parthian authorities convinced him that an arduous sea voyage around the Arabian Peninsula was the only means to reach Rome.^[122]Discouraged by this, Gan Ying returned to the Han court and provided Emperor He of Han (r. 88–105 AD) with a detailed report on the Roman Empire based on oral accounts of his Parthian hosts.^[123] William Watson speculates that the Parthians would have been relieved at the failed efforts by the Han Empire to open diplomatic relations with Rome, especially after Ban Chao's military victories against the Xiongnu in eastern Central Asia.^[121] However, Chinese records maintain that a Roman embassy, perhaps only a group of Roman merchants, arrived at the Han capital Luoyang by way of Jiaozhi (northern Vietnam) in 166 AD, during the reigns of Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) and Emperor Huan of Han (r. 146–168 AD).^[124] Although it could be coincidental, Antonine Roman golden medallions dated to the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and his predecessor Antoninus Pius have been discovered at Oc Eo, Vietnam (among other Roman artefacts in the Mekong Delta), a site that is one of the suggested locations for the port city of "Cattigara" along the Magnus Sinus (i.e. Gulf of Thailand and South China Sea) in Ptolemy's Geography.^[125]

Continuation of Roman hostilities and Parthian decline

Native and external sources[edit]

Parthian gold jewelry items found at a burial site in Nineveh (near modern Mosul, Iraq) in the British Museum

Local and foreign written accounts, as well as non-textual artifacts, have been used to reconstruct Parthian history.^[166] Although the Parthian court maintained records, the Parthians had no formal study of history; the earliest universal history of Iran, the Khwaday-Namag, was not compiled until the reign of the last Sassanid ruler Yazdegerd III (r. 632–651 AD).^[167] Indigenous sources on Parthian history remain scarce, with fewer of them available than for any other period of Iranian history.^[168] Most contemporary written records on Parthia contain Greek as well as Parthian and Aramaic inscriptions.^[169] The Parthian language was written in a distinct script derived from the Imperial Aramaic chancellery script of the Achaemenids, and later developed into the Pahlavi writing system.^[170]

 

A Sarmatian-Parthian gold necklace and amulet, 2nd century AD. Located in Tamoikin Art Fund

The most valuable indigenous sources for reconstructing an accurate chronology of Arsacid rulers are the metal drachma coins issued by each ruler.^[171] These represent a "transition from non-textual to textual remains," according to historian Geo Widengren.^[172] Other Parthian sources used for reconstructing chronology include cuneiform astronomical tablets and colophons discovered in Babylonia.^[173] Indigenous textual sources also include stone inscriptions, parchment and papyri documents, and pottery ostraca.^[172] For example, at the early Parthian capital of Mithradatkert/Nisa in Turkmenistan, large caches of pottery ostraca have been found yielding information on the sale and storage of items like wine.^[174] Along with parchment documents found at sites like Dura-Europos, these also provide valuable information on Parthian governmental administration, covering issues such as taxation, military titles, and provincial organization.^[175]

 

Parthian golden necklace, 2nd century AD, Iran, Reza Abbasi Museum

 

A Parthian ceramic oil lamp, Khūzestān Province, Iran, National Museum of Iran

The Greek and Latin histories, which represent the majority of materials covering Parthian history, are not considered entirely reliable since they were written from the perspective of rivals and wartime enemies.^[176] These external sources generally concern major military and political events, and often ignore social and cultural aspects of Parthian history.^[177] The Romans usually depicted the Parthians as fierce warriors but also as a culturally refined people; recipes for Parthian dishes in the cookbook Apicius exemplifies their admiration for Parthian cuisine.^[178] Apollodorus of Artemita and Arrian wrote histories focusing on Parthia, which are now lost and survive only as quoted extracts in other histories.^[179] Isidore of Charax, who lived during the reign of Augustus, provides an account of Parthian territories, perhaps from a Parthian government survey.^[180] To a lesser extent, people and events of Parthian history were also included in the histories of Justin, Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, Cassius Dio, Appian, Josephus, Pliny the Elder, and Herodian.^[181]

Parthian history can also be reconstructed via the Chinese historical records of events.^[182] In contrast to Greek and Roman histories, the early Chinese histories maintained a more neutral view when describing Parthia,^[183] although the habit of Chinese chroniclers to copy material for their accounts from older works (of undetermined origin) makes it difficult to establish a chronological order of events.^[184] The Chinese called Parthia Ānxī (Chinese: 安 息, Old Chinese pronunciation: 'ansjək), perhaps after the Greek name for the Parthian city Antiochia in Margiana (Greek: Ἀντιόχεια ἡ ἐν τῇ Μαργιανῇ).^[185] However, this could also have been a transliteration of "Arsaces", after the dynasty's eponymous founder.^[186] The works and historical authors include the Shiji (also known as the Records of the Grand Historian) by Sima Qian, the Han shu (Book of Han) by Ban Biao, Ban Gu, and Ban Zhao, and the Hou Han shu (Book of Later Han) by Fan Ye.^[187] They provide information on the nomadic migrations leading up to the early Saka invasion of Parthia and valuable political and geographical information.^[182]For example, the Shiji (ch. 123) describes diplomatic exchanges, exotic gifts given by Mithridates II to the Han court, types of agricultural crops grown in Parthia, production of wine using grapes, itinerant merchants, and the size and location of Parthian territory.^[188] The Shiji also mentions that the Parthians kept records by "writing horizontally on strips of leather," that is, parchment.^[189]

Government and administration[edit]

Central authority and semi-autonomous kings[edit]

 

Coin of Kamnaskires III, king of Elymais (modern Khūzestān Province), and his wife Queen Anzaze, 1st century BC

Compared with the earlier Achaemenid Empire, the Parthian government was notably decentralized.^[190] An indigenous historical source reveals that territories overseen by the central government were organized in a similar manner to the Seleucid Empire. They both had a threefold division for their provincial hierarchies: the Parthian marzbān, xšatrap, and dizpat, similar to the Seleucid satrapy, eparchy, and hyparchy.^[191] The Parthian Empire also contained several subordinate semi-autonomous kingdoms, including the states of Caucasian Iberia, Armenia, Atropatene, Gordyene, Adiabene, Edessa, Hatra, Mesene, Elymais, and Persis.^[192] The state rulers governed their own territories and minted their own coinage distinct from the royal coinage produced at the imperial mints.^[193] This was not unlike the earlier Achaemenid Empire, which also had some city-states, and even distant satrapies who were semi-independent but "recognised the supremacy of the king, paid tribute and provided military support", according to Brosius.^[194] However, the satraps of Parthian times governed smaller territories, and perhaps had less prestige and influence than their Achaemenid predecessors.^[195] During the Seleucid period, the trend of local ruling dynasties with semi-autonomous rule, and sometimes outright rebellious rule, became commonplace, a fact reflected in the later Parthian style of governance.^[196]

Nobility[edit]

 

A bronze statue of a Parthian nobleman from the sanctuary at Shami in Elymais (modern-day Khūzestān Province, Iran, along the Persian Gulf), now located at the National Museum of Iran.

The King of Kings headed the Parthian government. He maintained polygamous relations, and was usually succeeded by his first-born son.^[197] Like the Ptolemies of Egypt, there is also record of Arsacid kings marrying their nieces and perhaps even half-sisters; Queen Musa married her own son, though this was an extreme and isolated case.^[197] Brosius provides an extract from a letter written in Greek by King Artabanus II in 21 AD, which addresses the governor (titled "archon") and citizens of the city of Susa. Specific government offices of Preferred Friend, Bodyguard and Treasurer are mentioned and the document also proves that "while there were local jurisdictions and proceedings to appointment to high office, the king could intervene on behalf of an individual, review a case and amend the local ruling if he considered it appropriate."^[198]

The hereditary titles of the hierarchic nobility recorded during the reign of the first Sassanid monarch Ardashir I most likely reflect the titles already in use during the Parthian era.^[199] There were three distinct tiers of nobility, the highest being the regional kings directly below the King of Kings, the second being those related to the King of Kings only through marriage, and the lowest order being heads of local clans and small territories.^[200]

By the 1st century AD, the Parthian nobility had assumed great power and influence in the succession and deposition of Arsacid kings.^[201] Some of the nobility functioned as court advisers to the king, as well as holy priests.^[202] Strabo, in his Geographica, preserved a claim by the Greek philosopher and historian Poseidonius that the Council of Parthia consisted of noble kinsmen and magi, two groups from which "the kings were appointed."^[203] Of the great noble Parthian families listed at the beginning of the Sassanian period, only two are explicitly mentioned in earlier Parthian documents: the House of Suren and the House of Karen.^[204] The historian Plutarch noted that members of the Suren family, the first among the nobility, were given the privilege of crowning each new Arsacid King of Kings during their coronations.^[205] Later on, some of the Parthian kings would claim Achaemenid descent. This has recently been corroborated via the possibility of an inherited disease (neurofibromatosis) demonstrated by the physical descriptions of rulers and from evidence of familial disease on ancient coinage.^[206]

Military[edit]

The Parthian Empire had no standing army, yet were able to quickly recruit troops in the event of local crises.^[207] There was a permanent armed guard attached to the person of the king, comprising nobles, serfs and mercenaries, but this royal retinue was small.^[208] Garrisons were also permanently maintained at border forts; Parthian inscriptions reveal some of the military titles granted to the commanders of these locations.^[208] Military forces could also be used in diplomatic gestures. For example, when Chinese envoys visited Parthia in the late 2nd century BC, the Shiji maintains that 20,000 horsemen were sent to the eastern borders to serve as escorts for the embassy, although this figure is perhaps an exaggeration.^[209]

Parthian horse archer, now on display at the Palazzo Madama, Turin

Parthian cataphract fighting a lion

A Parthian stuccorelief of an infantryman, from the walls of Zahhak Castle, East Azarbaijan Province, Iran

The combination of horse archers and cataphracts formed an effective backbone for the Parthian military

The main striking force of the Parthian army was its cataphracts, heavy cavalry with man and horse decked in mailed armor.^[210] The cataphracts were equipped with a lance for charging into enemy lines, but were not equipped with bows and arrows which were restricted to horse archers.^[211] Due to the cost of their equipment and armor, cataphracts were recruited from among the aristocratic class who, in return for their services, demanded a measure of autonomy at the local level from the Arsacid kings.^[212] The light cavalry was recruited from among the commoner class and acted as horse archers; they wore a simple tunic and trousers into battle.^[210]They used composite bows and were able to shoot at enemies while riding and facing away from them; this technique, known as the Parthian shot, was a highly effective tactic.^[213] The heavy and light cavalry of Parthia proved to be a decisive factor in the Battle of Carrhae where a Parthian force defeated a much larger Roman army under Crassus. Light infantry units, composed of levied commonersand mercenaries, were used to disperse enemy troops after cavalry charges.^[214]

The size of the Parthian army is unknown, as is the size of the empire's overall population. However, archaeological excavations in former Parthian urban centers reveal settlements which could have sustained large populations and hence a great resource in manpower.^[215] Dense population centers in regions like Babylonia were no doubt attractive to the Romans, whose armies could afford to

 Currency[edit]

Usually made of silver,^[216] the Greek drachma coin, including the tetradrachm, was the standard currency used throughout the Parthian Empire.^[217] The Arsacids maintained royal mints at the cities of Hecatompylos, Seleucia, and Ecbatana.^[40] They most likely operated a mint at Mithridatkert/Nisa as well.^[24] From the empire's inception until its collapse, drachmas produced throughout the Parthian period rarely weighed less than 3.5 g or more than 4.2 g.^[218] The first Parthian tetradrachms, weighing in principle around 16 g with some variation, appear after Mithridates I conquered Mesopotamia and were minted exclusively at Seleucia.^[219]

Society and culture[edit]

Hellenism and the Iranian revival[edit]

 

Coin of Mithridates II of Parthia. The clothing is Parthian, while the style is Hellenistic (sitting on an omphalos). The Greek inscription reads "King Arsaces, the philhellene"

Although Greek culture of the Seleucids was widely adopted by peoples of the Near East during the Hellenistic period, the Parthian era witnessed an Iranian cultural revival in religion, the arts, and even clothing fashions.^[220] Conscious of both the Hellenistic and Persian cultural roots of their kingship, the Arsacid rulers styled themselves after the Persian King of Kings and affirmed that they were also philhellenes ("friends of the Greeks").^[221] The word "philhellene" was inscribed on Parthian coins until the reign of Artabanus II.^[222] The discontinuation of this phrase signified the revival of Iranian culture in Parthia.^[223]Vologases I was the first Arsacid ruler to have the Parthian script and language appear on his minted coins alongside the now almost illegible Greek.^[224] However, the use of Greek-alphabet legends on Parthian coins remained until the collapse of the empire.^[225]

 

A ceramic Parthian water spout in the shape of a man's head, dated 1st or 2nd century AD

Greek cultural influence did not disappear from the Parthian Empire, however, and there is evidence that the Arsacids enjoyed Greek theatre. When the head of Crassus was brought to Orodes II, he, alongside Armenian king Artavasdes II, were busy watching a performance of The Bacchae by the playwright Euripides (c. 480–406 BC). The producer of the play decided to use Crassus' actual severed head in place of the stage-prop head of Pentheus.^[226]

On his coins, Arsaces I is depicted in apparel similar to Achaemenid satraps. According to A. Shahbazi, Arsaces "deliberately diverges from Seleucid coins to emphasize his nationalistic and royal aspirations, and he calls himself Kārny/Karny (Greek: Autocrator), a title already borne by Achaemenid supreme generals, such as Cyrus the Younger."^[227] In line with Achaemenid traditions, rock-relief images of Arsacid rulers were carved at Mount Behistun, where Darius I of Persia (r. 522–486 BC) made royal inscriptions.^[228] Moreover, the Arsacids claimed familial descent from Artaxerxes II of Persia (r. 404–358 BC) as a means to bolster their legitimacy in ruling over former Achaemenid territories, i.e. as being "legitimate successors of glorious kings" of ancient Iran.^[229] Artabanus II named one of his sons Darius and laid claim to Cyrus' heritage.^[227] The Arsacid kings chose typical Zoroastrian names for themselves and some from the "heroic background" of the Avesta, according to V.G. Lukonin.^[230]The Parthians also adopted the use of the Babylonian calendar with names from the Achaemenid Iranian calendar, replacing the Macedonian calendar of the Seleucids.^[231]

Religion[edit]

 

Parthian votive relief from Khūzestān Province, Iran, 2nd century AD

The Parthian Empire, being culturally and politically heterogeneous, had a variety of religious systems and beliefs, the most widespread being those dedicated to Greek and Iranian cults.^[232] Aside from a minority of Jews^[233] and early Christians,^[234]most Parthians were polytheistic.^[235] Greek and Iranian deities were often blended together as one. For example, Zeus was often equated with Ahura Mazda, Hades with Angra Mainyu, Aphrodite and Hera with Anahita, Apollo with Mithra, and Hermeswith Shamash.^[236] Aside from the main gods and goddesses, each ethnic group and city had their own designated deities.^[235]As with Seleucid rulers,^[237] Parthian art indicates that the Arsacid kings viewed themselves as gods; this cult of the ruler was perhaps the most widespread.^[238]

The extent of Arsacid patronage of Zoroastrianism is debated in modern scholarship.^[239] The followers of Zoroaster would have found the bloody sacrifices of some Parthian-era Iranian cults to be unacceptable.^[232] However, there is evidence that Vologeses I encouraged the presence of Zoroastrian magi priests at court and sponsored the compilation of sacred Zoroastrian texts which later formed the Avesta.^[240] The Sassanid court would later adopt Zoroastrianism as the official state religion of the empire.^[241]

Although Mani (216–276 AD), the founding prophet of Manichaeism, did not proclaim his first religious revelation until 228/229 AD, Bivar asserts that his new faith contained "elements of Mandaean belief, Iranian cosmogony, and even echoes of Christianity ... [it] may be regarded as a typical reflection of the mixed religious doctrines of the late Arsacid period, which the Zoroastrian orthodoxy of the Sasanians was soon to sweep away."^[242]

There is scant archaeological evidence for the spread of Buddhism from the Kushan Empire into Iran proper.^[243] However, it is known from Chinese sources that An Shigao (fl. 2nd century AD), a Parthian nobleman and Buddhist monk, traveled to Luoyang in Han China as a Buddhist missionary and translated several Buddhist canons into Chinese.^[244]

 Writing and literature[edit]

 

Parthian long-necked lute, c. 3 BC – 3 AD

 

A sculpted head (broken off from a larger statue) of a Parthian soldier wearing a Hellenistic-style helmet, from the Parthian royal residence and necropolis of Nisa, Turkmenistan, 2nd century BC

It is known that during the Parthian period the court minstrel (gōsān) recited poetic oral literatureaccompanied by music. However, their stories, composed in verse form, were not written down until the subsequent Sassanian period.^[269] In fact, there is no known Parthian-language literature that survives in original form, since it was written down in the following centuries.^[270] It is believed that such stories as the romantic tale Vis and Rāmin and epic cycle of the Kayanian dynasty were part of the corpus of oral literature from Parthian times, although compiled much later.^[271]Although literature of the Parthian language was not committed to written form, there is evidence that the Arsacids acknowledged and respected written Greek literature.^[272]

Chronological table of Parthian kings[edit]

See also[edit]

• Assyria (Roman province)
• Baghdad Battery
• Battle of Nisibis (217)
• Arsacid dynasty of Armenia
• Arsacid dynasty of Iberia
• Arsacid dynasty of Caucasian Albania
• Romans in Persia
• History of Iran
• Inscription of Parthian imperial power

1.  Bivar 1983, pp. 48–49; see also Katouzian 2009, pp. 42–43
2. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 48–49; also, Brosius 2006, pp. 94–95 mentions this in passing.
3. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 49
4. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 49–50; Katouzian 2009, pp. 42–43
5. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 55–56; Garthwaite 2005, p. 79; see also Brosius 2006, pp. 94–95 and Curtis 2007, pp. 12–13
6. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 52–55
7. ^ Jump up to:^a b Bivar 1983, p. 52
8. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 52–55; Brosius 2006, pp. 94–95; Garthwaite 2005, pp. 78–79
9. ^ Katouzian 2009, pp. 42–43; Garthwaite 2005, p. 79; Bivar 1983, pp. 52–55; Brosius 2006, p. 96
10. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 52–55; Brosius 2006, p. 96
11. ^ Jump up to:^a b Kennedy 1996, p. 78
12. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 55–56; Brosius 2006, p. 96
13. ^ Kennedy 1996, p. 80 asserts that permanent occupation was the obvious goal of the Parthians, especially after the cities of Roman Syria and even the Roman garrisons submitted to the Parthians and joined their cause.
14. ^ Kennedy 1996, pp. 78–79; Bivar 1983, p. 56
15. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 56–57; Strugnell 2006, p. 243
16. ^ Jump up to:^a b c Bivar 1983, p. 57; Strugnell 2006, p. 244; Kennedy 1996, p. 80
17. ^ Syme 1939, pp. 214–217
18. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 57
19. ^ Jump up to:^a b Bivar 1983, pp. 57–58; Strugnell 2006, pp. 239, 245; Brosius 2006, p. 96; Kennedy 1996, p. 80
20. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 58; Brosius 2006, p. 96; Kennedy 1996, pp. 80–81; see also Strugnell 2006, pp. 239, 245–246
21. ^ Garthwaite 2005, p. 79
22. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 58–59; Kennedy 1996, p. 81
23. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 58–59
24. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 60–63; Garthwaite 2005, p. 80; Curtis 2007, p. 13; see also Kennedy 1996, p. 81 for analysis on Rome's shift of attention away from Syria to the Upper Euphrates, starting with Antony.
25. ^ Roller 2010, p. 99
26. ^ Burstein 2004, p. 31
27. ^ Jump up to:^a b Bivar 1983, pp. 64–65
28. ^ Roller 2010, pp. 145–151
29. ^ Roller 2010, pp. 138–151; Bringmann 2007, pp. 304–307
30. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 65–66
31. ^ Garthwaite 2005, p. 80; see also Strugnell 2006, pp. 251–252
32. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 66–67
33. ^ Brosius 2006, pp. 96–97; 136–137; Bivar 1983, pp. 66–67; Curtis 2007, pp. 12–13
34. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 67; Brosius 2006, pp. 96–99
35. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 68; Brosius 2006, pp. 97–99; see also Garthwaite 2005, p. 80
36. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 68–69; Brosius 2006, pp. 97–99
37. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 69–71
38. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 71
39. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 71–72
40. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 72–73
41. ^ See Brosius 2006, pp. 137–138 for more information on Roman coins depicting Parthians returning the lost military standards to Rome.
42. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 73
43. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 73–74
44. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 75–76
45. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 76–78
46. ^ Jump up to:^a b Watson 1983, pp. 543–544
47. ^ Watson 1983, pp. 543–544; Yü 1986, pp. 460–461; de Crespigny 2007, pp. 239–240; see also Wang 2007, p. 101
48. ^ Wood 2002, pp. 46–47; Morton & Lewis 2005, p. 59
49. ^ Yü 1986, pp. 460–461; de Crespigny 2007, p. 600
50. ^ Young 2001, p. 29; Mawer 2013, p. 38; Ball 2016, p. 153
51. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 79
52. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 79–81; Kennedy 1996, p. 81
53. ^ Garthwaite 2005, p. 82; Bivar 1983, pp. 79–81
54. ^ Bausani 1971, p. 41
55. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 81
56. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 81–85
57. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 83–85
58. ^ Brosius 2006, pp. 99–100; Bivar 1983, p. 85
59. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 86
60. ^ Kennedy 1996, pp. 67, 87–88
61. ^ Kennedy 1996, p. 87
62. ^ Kennedy 1996, pp. 87–88; see also Kurz 1983, pp. 561–562
63. ^ Sheldon 2010, pp. 231–232
64. ^ Sheldon 2010, pp. 9–10, 231–235
65. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 86–87
66. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 88; Curtis 2007, p. 13; Lightfoot 1990, p. 117
67. ^ Lightfoot 1990, pp. 117–118; see also Bivar 1983, pp. 90–91
68. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 88–89
69. ^ Dr. Aaron Ralby (2013). "Emperor Trajan, 98—117: Greatest Extent of Rome". Atlas of Military History. Parragon. p. 239. ISBN 978-1-4723-0963-1.
70. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 88–90; Garthwaite 2005, p. 81; Lightfoot 1990, p. 120; see also Katouzian 2009, p. 44
71. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 90–91
72. ^ Lightfoot 1990, p. 120; Bivar 1983, pp. 90–91
73. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 91; Curtis 2007, p. 13; Garthwaite 2005, p. 81
74. ^ Mommsen 2004, p. 69
75. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 90–91; see also Brosius 2006, p. 137 and Curtis 2007, p. 13
76. ^ Lightfoot 1990, pp. 120–124
77. ^ Brosius 2006, p. 100; see also Lightfoot 1990, p. 115; Garthwaite 2005, p. 81; and Bivar 1983, p. 91
78. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 92–93
79. ^ Bivar 1983, p. 93
80. ^ Brosius 2006, p. 100; Bivar 1983, pp. 93–94
81. ^ Curtis 2007, p. 13; Bivar 1983, pp. 93–94
82. ^ Brosius 2006, p. 100; Curtis 2007, p. 13; Bivar 1983, p. 94; Katouzian 2009, p. 44
83. ^ Jump up to:^a b c Bivar 1983, pp. 94–95
84. ^ Brosius 2006, pp. 100–101; see also Katouzian 2009, p. 44, who mentions this in passing
85. ^ Jump up to:^a b Brosius 2006, p. 101; Bivar 1983, pp. 95–96; Curtis 2007, p. 14; see also Katouzian 2009, p. 44
86. ^ Bivar 1983, pp. 95–96
87. ^ Frye 1983, pp. 173–174
88. ^ (Shapur Shahbazi 2005)
89. ^ Norman A. Stillman The Jews of Arab Lands pp 22 Jewish Publication Society, 1979 ISBN 0-8276-1155-2
90. ^ International Congress of Byzantine Studies Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies, London, 21–26 August 2006, Volumes 1–3 pp 29. Ashgate Pub Co, 30 sep. 2006 ISBN 0-7546-5740-X
91. ^ Widengren 1983, pp. 1261–1262
92. ^ Yarshater 1983, p. 359
93. ^ Widengren 1983, p. 1261
94. ^ Garthwaite 2005, pp. 75–76